Strategies
to combat and defeat the international menace of
ISIS
Ghelawdewos
Araia, PhD
May 3, 2015
Dedicated
to the 30 Ethiopians who were shot and beheaded by
ISIS in Libya on April 19, 2015
While
the overall general trend of history could be
reasonably predicted, history itself often comes
up with relatively unfathomable phenomena, and we
humans are caught at the crossroads and thresholds
and rather become helpless. This might sound
ironic but it happened many times in history every
time societies encountered quandaries and
conundrums, as well as social calamities
manifested in the form of Nazism, Fascism, Jihad
etc. In the above context, thus, the new ex
machina of Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham
(ISIS) or Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL),
would be one more surprise of history. Ex
machina, is a positive attribute to a Godly
appearance in religious tenets or a sudden
appearance of a character in a drama that would
provide solution to an insoluble difficult
problem; it would be inappropriate to depict ISIS
as ex
machina in its literal sense, but I am using
it only as “a sudden appearance of a
phenomenon.” ISIS, far from providing solutions
to problems, is in fact an international menace
and global challenge. This menace should be
combated and defeated.
In
order to combat and defeat ISIS once and for all,
however, it is imperative that we study the nature
and characteristics of this organization, its
evolution, its membership, its philosophy and
ideology, its organizational structure, as well as
its political objectives.
From
whence did ISIS emerge? Is it simply a disgruntled
group with obscure objectives or a robust
detachment of a precursor Islamic movement such as
Moslem Brotherhood or al-Qaeda? Or, a completely
independent grouping that somewhat evolved in
failed states? I shall critically examine the
background history of ISIS so that the reader can
get the gist and flavor of what this organization
is all about and for what is stands for.
A
significant number of academes, analysts, and
researchers contend that ISIS is a Salafi group
that professes extreme version of Islam with a
violent modus operandi; others view ISIS as a
Jihadist movement that currently serves as the
torch bearer of the Moslem Brotherhood that
emerged in Egypt following the collapse of the
Ottoman Empire in the 1920s.
Jihad,
apparently, is an Islamic holy war, but in the
strict sense it is not simply a war “against the
infidels” as extremist Muslims like ISIS preach
and as some scholars allude uncritically in some
literature. Jihad is a struggle within oneself in
its religious sense and mobilization of people
against foreign invaders as Samori Ture’s
struggle against the French in the Futa Jalon and
Futa Toro areas of West Africa in the 1860s. In
the latter definition of Jihad, some violence is
involved and destruction would be inevitable, but
barbaric and inhumane atrocities were not carried
on as ISIS has now made it fashionable.
The
ISIS type Salafis do not tolerate reform and
change in Islamic creed and they are indeed
identified by their ubiquitous black flag that
symbolizes the seal of Muhammad, and yet they
await for Christ-like redeemer (the Mahdi or the
“Guided one”) to come and purify Islam. The
ISIS group truly believes that it is ordained by
Allah that, the prophesied appearance of the Mahdi
will be observed at Dabiq, a town in northern
Syria.
ISIS
has gathered momentum over the last few years, but
its religious philosophical viction is not
accepted by all Muslims. Even some Salafis, not to
mention the political establishments in Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, Iran, the Gulf Emirates, and Qatar
reject ISIS’ creed. However the opposition to
ISIS by these countries, the UN, and Western
countries like France and the United States is
rather meek and of lip service, a verbiage, so to
speak. This kind of “incapacity” or
indifference resulted in ISIS control of areas in
weakened states. It is obvious that ISIS actions
may result in invidious counter-reaction, but that
may not effectively corner and ultimately
eliminate the monstrosity of the so-called Islamic
State.
On
top of the above scenario and the dominant
framework of thinking of ISIS that I have
mentioned above, what makes it suspicious and
paradoxical is the fact that ISIS gets its funding
from countries like Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States,
and Qatar. The governments of the latter countries
may not be involved in such funding but there is
no doubt that some Wahabi tycoons are raising
funds for ISIS. Other source of money for ISIS
could be the oil fields that controls in Iraq, but
this source alone could hardly sustain its
movement and field operations.
We
therefore are further obliged to engage additional
parallel of inquiry and delineate the foundation
of the ISIS phenomenon or of the new history, if
you will. Though ISIS is a new politico-religious
movement, as I have already discussed it above, it
is a substantial continuity of the past Jihadists
and a new version or hybrid of al-Qaeda. Once we
establish the nature and characteristics of ISIS,
it is important that we discuss the underlying
reasons that could help us understand the ISIS
phenomenon, and I am particularly interested in
exploring the origins and structural organization
of this organization.
The
ISIS group originated in Iraq in 1999 under the
Arabic name Jamal’at al Tawahid Wal-Jihad, but
later changed its name to al-Qaeda. Following the
invasion of Iraq by the United States in 2003, the
al-Qaeda ISIS group was involved in the Iraqi war.
At this point, it did not call itself ISIS, but
when the rank-and-file fighters of the Mujaheeden
Shura Council joined it in 2006, for the first
time it declared its new name of Islamic State of
Iraq (ISI).
By
the time ISI established its camp of operations in
Iraq and its operations coupled by the US
occupation of that country, the secular state of
Iraq was undermined and done away with. It is
under a similar circumstance that ISI branched out
in Syria, a country torn apart by civil war, in
2011. The Syrian ISI was also known as Jabhat al
Nusra (the Nusra Front) and when it began fighting
as one of the many contending forces within Syria,
it was led by al-Baghdadi, perhaps considered by
ISIS as the Mahdi. By 2013, al-Baghdadi
unilaterally declared the merger of ISI with the
al-Nuna front and gave a new name of ISIL to his
conceptual united front in spite of the rejection
by the Nuna leadership and the al-Qaeda that still
operates independently.
Despite
some opposition to ISIS from some Jihadist
factions, however, the organization gained
momentum in Iraq, Syria, and Libya (all
destabilized failed states). Not only has ISIS
gained foothold in all these three countries, but
it also enjoyed allegiance from militant Sunni
Muslims around the world. ISIL/ISIS does not
completely control Libya although it has hegemony
over the eastern province of Cyrenaica, the
western district of Tripolitania or the Tripoli
greater area, and the southern part of Libya known
as Fazzan.
ISIS
may not have full control of Libya, but there is
no doubt that it has the support of the Shura
Council of Islamic Youth and other jihadist
militants. It is also highly probable that the
Shura and the militants serve as informants to
ISIS, and their allegiance and service has enabled
ISIS to pick up Ethiopians from the refugee camps
and subsequently carried on its diabolical
beheading of 30 Ethiopians on April 19, 2015.
Now,
ISIS has entrenched itself in other places like
the Gaza strip and also getting endorsement and
allegiance from militants such as Ansar Bait al-Maqdis.
These groups, in Sinai, Gaza, Lebanon, and Jordan
are potentially a threat to the powers that be and
the larger societies in these countries. It is
also a threat to the security of Israel and the
Palestinian Authority. If ISIS solidifies and
consolidates in the Middle East, it will challenge
the stability of Egypt, will foment a formidable
anti-Israel stance, and will undermine the cause
of the Palestinian people. The radical Hamas would
then be viewed by both Egypt and Israel as better
enemy to deal with vis-à-vis ISIS.
So,
what should nations do in order to combat and
ultimately defeat ISIS? At present, most of the
nations that are directly or indirectly affected
by ISIS are exhibiting a defensive posture and
this is quite astounding. If the global community
seriously considers world peace and wanted to
thwart the ISIS evil mission and objectives, it
should come up with a common agenda or blue print
that could systematically overcome all forms of
terrorism. Below, I am proposing some offensive
strategies for provoking discussion and eventually
adopting the enumerated suggestive models:
1.
Nations must strengthen their national
securities individually and in partnership with
their regional organizations. For instance,
France’s security agents must operate in
conjunction with the European Union, but most
importantly with neighboring countries like
Belgium and Spain.
2.
Some nations like Israel and Ethiopia, that
encounter a unique political climate of
geopolitical challenge, should device a unique
strategy to combat ISIS and other terrorists.
Israel is alone in the Middle East, and whether
she likes it or not it should strengthen its
security parameters and objectives by cooperating
with moderate countries like Egypt and Jordan. By
the same token, Ethiopia finds itself in the midst
of unstable Horn of Africa and historically
conflict-ridden region. Unlike Israel, however,
Ethiopia is in good terms with neighboring
countries like Kenya, Djibouti, and Sudan. It
could be a stretch for Ethiopia to be involved in
peace negotiations of South Sudan and peacekeeping
mission in Somalia, but is has no choice but to be
involved in such undertakings. The logic is
simple! If its neighbors are not at peace,
Ethiopia would not have peace and the latter is a
precondition for the countries development and
economic growth. Ethiopia is spared (at least for
now) from ISIS attacks because a) the leadership
of the Ethiopian Christians (particularly that of
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church) and Muslim
communities are working in tandem against
terrorism; and b) the Ethiopian security and
intelligence services have done a superb job in
protecting the country from Al Shabab attacks.
3.
Moderate Muslims all over the world should
campaign against the ISIS string of curses and
satanic beheading of innocent people. The cliché
of ‘Islam is peace and ISIS militants are not
Muslims’ would not effectively mitigate, let
alone completely stop ISIS’ murderous
operations. A more sustainable campaign by Muslim
clerics and Muftis is a necessary precondition to
the defeat and elimination of ISIS.
4.
Russia and China are also threatened by
local Muslim separatists of Chechnya/Dagestan and
Uyghur respectively; they should not underestimate
the threat on their countries and they should work
hand-in-glove to either peacefully resolve the
crises or systematically defuse Muslim extremism
in the continental Sino-Russian borders.
5.
Arab countries like Saudi Arabia must
shoulder responsibility to minimize the influences
of Wahabism, a conservative Islamic doctrine that
directly or indirectly creates a fertile ground
for ISIS. Saudi Arabia could face dilemma when it
comes to the Wahabi sect and its influences in
religious (not necessarily terrorists or
militants). The current ISIS reality, however,
should oblige Saudi Arabia to cooperate even with
its rivals like Iran in the elimination of ISIS.
Saudi Arabia and Iran should not be distracted by
their rival involvement in Yemen (Sunni vs.
Shiite), when they face a common enemy like ISIS.
If Saudi Arabia does not make efforts to limit the
influences and deeds of the Wahabi, however,
commentators that charged the country for
“exporting Wahabism” will be vindicated.
6.
The United States should revise its Middle
East policy and play a pivotal role in the
fighting and elimination of ISIS. The latter, by
default, is a game changer, and the US should
change its policy accordingly. For instance, if
the US is not in a position to assist the Free
Syrian Army, it should at least cooperate with the
Assad regime against ISIS. If the US can negotiate
with Iran, it can do so with its former
adversaries. In conjunction with game changer
Middle East policy, the US should seriously
consider its limited military operations in Iraq
and review the current aerial bombardment of
ISIS-controlled areas. The bombardment might
stifle the terrorists’ military capability, but
it could not defeat them altogether, because they
are also elsewhere in the Middle East and if the
worst comes they will abandon their Iraq territory
and masquerade in other parts of the region, and
to be sure it has affiliates in many areas of the
Middle East. It is therefore recommended that the
US must go against ISIS loyalists such as the Baal
Bek Brigade in Lebanon, the Sons of the Call for
Tawahid and Jihad in Jordan, and Anar al Sharia in
Yemen, by cooperating with the moderate
governments and civic and religious leaders of
these countries.
7.
The UN and other global institutions, as
well as higher institutions of learning should
first study the nature and characteristics of ISIS
and come up with some novel solutions. For a
start, here is some data on ISIS: It is headed by
al-Baghdadi, who in turn, is assisted by a cabinet
of advisors and twelve district governors under
the latter; and at the bottom of the hierarchy
ISIS has various councils of finance, military
affairs, legal matters, aid to foreign fighters,
security & intelligence, and media.
Concluding
remarks:
Given
ISIS’ organization and the day to day increasing
allegiance it is enjoying from Muslim extremists,
as well as its control of territories in
relatively weak states, it is simply impossible to
dismiss ISIS as a terrorist group only. In my
opinion, it should be viewed as a non-state
terrorist force, and in the strict historical and
sociological sense, ISIS is in fact a dynamic
force, however negative and destructive its agenda
is. The reason I say a dynamic force is based on
the overall operational capability of the
organization, the funds it managed to garner, and
most importantly its ability to attract young
Jihadists. It is a force to be reckoned with, but
its strength emanates from the weaknesses of the
states in which it is operating and if the now
defunct states are revived and a cohesive global
force is put in place, ISIS would reach its
vanishing point.
All Rights Reserved.
Copyright © IDEA 2013. Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia can
be contacted for educational and constructive
feedback via dr.garaia@africanidea.org.
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