Post-Meles
Ethiopia
The
Challenges Ahead and the Collective Responsibility
of Ethiopians
Ghelawdewos
Araia
September
7, 2012
This
essay intends to critically examine the challenges
that Ethiopians encounter at this juncture of
their history and what they ought to do in the
ongoing development and transformation of their
nation. In many of my writings, I have reiterated
time and again and underscored the significance of
collective, communal, and harmonious endeavor in
nation building. We must all understand that it is
our obligation to pitch in the dynamic development
process (that I will fully address in my
forthcoming major scholarly work) and not simply
observe as bystanders and watch as if miraculously
manna is going to drop from heaven.
However,
in order for Ethiopians who love their country
extend their hands and participate in the
development march of their country, the Ethiopian
government, particularly the ruling party, should
open its doors, embrace ideas and inputs from
Ethiopians at home and abroad, and also
accommodate the constructive and legally operating
opposition groups. This is another dimension of
this essay and I am doing it for the welfare of
the Ethiopian people and for the sake of Ethiopia.
Nothing more and nothing less, and I have no other
objective other than wishing to witness budding
Ethiopia reaches a certain threshold to be
reckoned with as an industrialized �lion king�
of Africa.
We
Ethiopians have many challenges ahead of us, and
instead of ruminating with disappointment at our
shortcomings and failures, we should be able to
constantly reassess our past experiences and
delineate the foundations of new history, new
direction, and new vistas for Ethiopia. In simple
and plain language, this is what I mean: Instead
of trying to bring back the silent ghosts of the
past, we must practically engage ourselves in
development projects, ranging from education to
rural and agricultural development, from industry
to infrastructure etc. This will reflect our
collective mission and practically uplift the
millions of destitute and poor Ethiopians.
In
short, we Ethiopians, particularly professionals
and intellectuals, must understand that we have a
unique historical responsibility and to this
calling, we must become an exemplar force in which
we literally become part of the energy that
creates the future. And in order to effectively
realize our mission, we must, first and foremost,
agree on a unified synthesis of development agenda
for Ethiopia, and if we are sincere in our
motives, I believe the Ethiopian motto of
transforming the country will serve as
constellation of ultimate causes. In brief, we
will leave a legacy to the coming generations of
Ethiopians so that they can continue from where we
left off. We Ethiopians must be able to tackle
with multidimensional puzzles and find appropriate
solutions, and that is our challenge.
We
all must understand that one transformation
involves a change of intermediate vectors, and
whatever the Meles-led EPRDF Government initiated
(irrespective of the weaknesses it has exhibited)
is a challenge to all Ethiopians (irrespective of
their ideology, creed, and political
affiliations), and those of us who are ready to
extend our hands to the motherland should be able
to implement the principle of national
reconciliation, a topic that I have addressed
several times. In this regard, both the opposition
and the government have shown weaknesses. If both
sides were open-minded at inviting each other for
dialogue, the Ethiopian political landscape would
be in much better shape, and most importantly the
seeds of democracy would be sown as a foundation
for a democratic culture in Ethiopia. In the
latter scenario, thus, government institutions and
the respective incumbents holding office would
become transparent and accountable and, in turn,
we would witness free flow of ideas being
entertained in the spirit of freedom of speech and
free press, and ultimately the Ethiopian citizenry
would be empowered. This can be done only if the
Government takes a bold initiative in
democratizing Ethiopia. The EPRDF and the
developmental state under the leadership of Meles
Zenawi have scored a number of achievements in
development projects, including foundational
development such as the expansion of schools and
other major development programs such as rural and
agricultural development, the construction of dams
and roads.
Democracy,
however, remains EPRDF�s Achilles Heel! The
EPRDF must seriously consider the promotion of
democracy in Ethiopia, and this could give some
facelift on the ruling party and perhaps a better
look. In fact, as they say, �a rose by any other
name still smells sweet� and if the EPRDF
initiates democratic reform, its aroma will be
enhanced as to attract friend and foe alike.
I
believe it is time for us to entertain the idea of
democracy in all venues and discussion forums and
also exercise it as part of our fundamental rights
in our daily routines at workplace, at home, at
public-square, in the market place, in schools,
and even in places of worship. It is with this in
mind that I wrote �Designing Continuum to Enrich
Ethiopian Educational Discourse and Debate
Culture,� back in 2004. It is a piece that I
think is still relevant and here is the link: www.africanidea.org/designing.html
However,
unless we seriously initiate national
reconciliation, all our efforts in planning,
designing, and/or proposing strategies for a
democratic Ethiopia will evaporate in thin air.
But now, I am hopeful because for the first time I
heard a top government official reaching out all
Ethiopians, including the opposition. That was a
speech made by Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam
Dessalegn, a speech of gratitude to all Ethiopians
but clearly imbued with reconciliation. I was
gratified to hear the Deputy Prime Minister
specifically mentioning and thanking virtually all
sectors of the Ethiopian society. To be sure, the
Ethiopian people deserve gratitude for being so
magnanimous and gracious following the departure
of Meles and for exhibiting the highest moral
standard in respecting the dead, and most
importantly for demonstrating their determination
to continue the development agenda.
I
have always been proud of being Ethiopian, but now
I am even more proud because of the integrity and
love to the motherland my fellow Ethiopians have
shown me. I must admit that some of us in the
Diaspora are lagging behind the Ethiopian people
in many respects. Moreover, a segment of the
Ethiopian Diaspora, that is the charlatans and
flag-waving demagogues, the cyber politicians, and
the Bar/Restaurant heroes do not only lag behind
Ethiopians at home but they are also at a complete
loss and they have become, inadvertently perhaps,
anti-Ethiopian.
I
also like to frankly and candidly address the
power transition that will take place in
post-Meles Ethiopia. This task is particularly the
political assignment of the EPRDF Central
Committee members. Nevertheless, I like to flesh
out some important points pertinent to
transference of power by way of suggesting what
the future Ethiopian leaders should do in the
event a power vacuum occurs and a leader dies in
office without completing his/her term.
Back
in 2005, I contributed an article entitled
�Political Leadership and Legitimate Power in
Ethiopia� and was posted on the now defunct
Deki-Alula website. Following Stephen R. Covey�s
book Principle-Centered Leadership, the
central thesis of the article essentially
discusses the three forms of power, namely,
coercive power, utility power, and legitimate
power.
Coercive
power obviously employs physical force and
intimidation; utility power, by contrast, is based
on influence and charisma but also uses rewards
and fringe benefits to earn the support of the
people. Legitimate power, on the other hand, as I
have discussed it then, �is based on trust and
respect for the people. Unlike the two powers
discussed above, legitimate power does not depend
on fear and material reward, and rather anchors
itself on the faith of the people, and the people
reciprocate by supporting the powers that be
without fear or intimidation. In this positive and
symbiotic relationship the leaders enjoy mass
base, which is the source of their legitimacy.
Leaders with legitimate power, therefore, have
confidence in themselves and in the people by whom
they were entrusted to wield power. As Covey
succinctly puts it, leaders with legitimate power
�are trusted, respected, honored�and they are
followed because others want to follow them, want
to believe in them and their cause, want to do
what the leader wants. This is not blind faith,
mindless obedience, or robotic servitude; this is
knowledgeable, wholehearted, uninhabited
commitment. This is legitimate power.��1
The
politics of power, of course, is very complex and
there is no doubt that power is the unit currency
of politics and logically, it follows, one cannot
dissociate power from politics. However, I like to
challenge the Ethiopian leaders that politics
should not necessarily be always power-based, in
which the Machiavellian �effective� leader
plays a dominant role in the decision making
process. Politics in its broader sense also
entails good governance is complemented by what
Max Weber calls substantive rationality (e.g.
compassion, mutual assistance, welfare, ethical
values etc.)
In
the selection process, thus, the EPRDF leaders
should not confine themselves to utility power
and/or power-based politics, but they should also
seriously consider the use of substantive
rationality. The latter rationale engages not only
the examples I gave above but also includes
important political measures such as �inclusive
politics�, �shared political agenda� (our
collective mission), �dialogue�,
�reconciliation�, and �tolerance� etc.
If
the above rationales are considered in Ethiopian
politics, we can easily attain a more democratic
Ethiopia and we can enjoy a voice in the political
process. Selection of leaders, then, will not only
be decided by parties (by the ruling party in the
Ethiopian case), but also by constituencies and
educational institutions. But it is not as easy as
it sounds. Even in highly democratic countries
like the United States, the selection process is
complicated, paradoxical, and confusing to the
average American. It is the Electoral College and
not the popular vote that matters in selecting the
president and putting him/her in the White House.
The people may cast their vote for their favorite
candidate, but if the latter manages to garner the
majority popular vote but gets less Electoral
College tickets, s/he will not become president.
Unlike
in the United States and other presidential
systems, in parliamentary democracies, the
executive committee of the winning/ruling party
selects the prime minister. In Ethiopia, we
don�t a have a full-fledged democracy as in the
UK or India but the selection process is similar
and the EPRDF senior leaders or central committee
members will select the next prime minister. In
the long run, we might rethink even the relatively
functioning stable democracies in the world and
consider rather �citizens juries� as in the
United States and Germany and �citizens�
initiatives� or referenda as in Switzerland and
the United States.
If
all goes well, we will witness a smooth transition
in Ethiopia. However, with respect to the
selection of the PM, I like to offer my two-penny
worth input. I am of the opinion that the EPRDF
should select relatively solid, visionary, and committed
leader with credentials of governance experience,
and if possible with relevant educational
background: the would be PM should be a man/women
of integrity and un abler leader who can shrewdly maintain
the delicate balance of politics and who also
understands the complexity of local, national,
regional, and global politics. Above all, the
would be Prime minister must be a swift decisive
leader who can execute urgent matters without
compromising the national interest of
Ethiopia.
Whoever
is confirmed for Prime Minister of Ethiopia,
his/her first job should be to promote national
reconciliation and reach out the opposition
parties, particularly the legally operating
parties like Medrek (Forum): she/he should be
instrumental in healing old wounds and in uniting
Ethiopians for a single purpose of their
collective responsibility.
Endnote
1.
Ghelawdewos Araia, �Political Leadership and
Legitimate Power in Ethiopia,� www.dekilaula.com/article/g_araia_may_23_2005.html
All
Rights Reserved. Copy Right � IDEA, Inc. 2012.
The writer can be contacted for constructive and
educational feedback via dr.garaia@africanidea.org
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