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Retrospective
and Prospective Analysis of
Ethiopian
University Student Activism for Diversity
Curricula
Asayehgn Desta, Sarlo Distinguished Professor of
Sustainability
Dominican
University of California
Following
the dismantlement of the Military Junta—the
“Derg”—in 1991, the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a product
of the 1960s and 1970s, Addis Ababa University’s
university student movement and an adherent of
Marxism and Leninism ideology came to power; it
vigorously embarked on actualizing the self
-determination of the various Nations,
Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia. That is, in
contradiction to the socialization process of the ancient
regime and the military Junta who favored a
centralized type of government, after coming to
power, the EPRDF propagated and endorsed an
ethnic-based federal type of government structure
in Ethiopia (Hailemariam, 2017).
Based on its ideological orientation, the EPRDF
attempted to raise the ethnic self-awareness of
the Ethiopian masses (Africa Report, 2009). With
the full implementation of the Ethiopian
Constitution in 1995 the EPRDF then established
ethnic federalism and categorized the country into
nine ethno-linguistic regional states. It also
advocated for the rights to self-determination of
the Ethiopian people, nations, and nationalities.
The
EPRDF encouraged the newly autonomous regional
states to use their local languages to serve as
the medium of communications and instruction for
their elementary schools. For
example, though the federal government kept
Amharic as its working language, the six regional
states continued to use their local languages, and
more than 20 languages are used for instruction in
primary schools (Adamu, 2014).
Whereas advocates for federalism wholeheartedly
argued that multi-cultural federalism creates
unity and respect among the diversified Ethiopian
citizens, advocates for a pro-unitary system, or a
strong centralized state, argued that federalism
tends to dismantle the Ethiopian nation state.
For instance, Milkias (2011) calls Ethnic
federalism in Ethiopia “a ticking bomb that may
railroad the country toward eventual
Balkanization.” Going one step forward,
Hailemariam (2017) argues that federalism would
undermine the Federal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia tailored to accommodate and promote
diversity in Ethiopia. He believes the democratic
centralism practiced by the EPRDF runs contrary to
the autonomous federal system that it preaches.
As Ortiz and Santos explain (Spring 2010), higher
educational institutions generally encourage
intergroup learning that contributes to
multicultural competence. Based on this premise,
Ethiopian university of the 1960s and ‘70s
served as the center of intellectual discourse and
political mobilization. The background
characteristics of learners commonly shape current
Ethiopian university movements. Instead of being
broad knowledge factories of diversity that
prepare students to tackle the socio-political
challenges on campus, Ethiopian universities tend
to reflect current political struggles and thus
become centers for ethnic skirmish. In other
words, because ethnic politics serve as a measure
of political consciousness and as a revolutionary
guide (Borkena, 2017), Ethiopian university
students from the same ethnic groups tend to
aggregate and contribute to deadly ethnic violence
and has forced the current Ethiopian Prime
Minister, Haile Mariam Desalgne to submit his
letter of resignation to his Party (Schemm, P.
February 16, 2018).
This study aims to: 1)
map out the rise and decline of the political
activism of the Ethiopian student movement since
the 1960s; 2) briefly review the political
consciousness of current Ethiopian University
Students; and 3) propose a brief Freshman
Diversity competency general education program for
university students.
This study is based on the following questions:
1)
What were the local and global factors that
triggered university student movements in Ethiopia
in the 1960s and 1970s?
2)
What identifiable current socio-political factors
contribute to ethnic conflicts among the current
Ethiopian students in higher educational
institutions? and
3)
Can a colloquium on cross-ethnic general education
diversity offered to all Ethiopian university
Freshman students help them to: a) interact
positively with a diverse set of peers in
universities, and b) prepare for life in an
increasingly complex and diverse Ethiopian
society.
Review
of the Literature
The
University College of Addis, established in 1951,
served as a catalyst for social transformation and
political activism in Ethiopia. Every year since
the late 1950s, without challenging the content of
their educational curricular and policies,
Ethiopian university students recite poems in
Amharic at the May Day Ceremonies that demand the
fundamental political and social change of
Ethiopia’s semi-feudal regime.
The
first impulse of a political landslide among
Ethiopian university students goes back to 1965,
when they courageously rallied around the land
ownership system in Ethiopia. Guided by the slogan
“Land to the Tiller, Ethiopian university
students recklessly demonstrated in city of Addis
Ababa, demanding a redistribution of land from the
then-wealthy and absentee land lords to the
toiling Ethiopian tenants.
Shortly thereafter, university students continued
the tradition by protesting the inhuman treatment
and the incarceration of beggars in the Shola
(Addis Ababa) Concentration Camp. As the regime
turned a deaf ear to their demands, in 1967,
university students went one step further by
forming a more militant University Students Union
of Addis Ababa (USUAA).
The university Students replaced the then-liberal
student newspaper, News
and Views,
with a more radical, politically charged paper, Struggle. Through
Struggle,
students demanded that the university
administration grant them the right to public
demonstration and assembly (Ruyter, 2011). Further
igniting their collaboration with high school
students, the university students started
circulating pamphlets around Addis Ababa and
vigorously antagonized the then-Haile Selassie’s
regime, calling it senile and corrupt. They urged
peasants, workers, and soldiers throughout
Ethiopia to march with them for the formation of
genuine revolution against the Haile Selassie
regime (Hess, R. 1970, and Desta, A. 1977).
Through Struggle,
Ethiopian university students indulged in a
widespread form of political agitation,
criticizing the policies of the regime in power.
In 1969, university students demanded that the
different nationalities in Ethiopia be granted the
right to self-determination. Walleligne Mekonnen,
the chief university student ideologue of the
time, forcefully rejected the ruling regime’s
claim that Ethiopia was a unified nation.
In contradiction, Walleligne considered
Ethiopia a museum of a dozen nationalities with
different languages, ways of dressing, histories,
social organizations and territorial entities.
Based on this premise, Walleligne urged all
Ethiopians to fight for a democratic and
egalitarian Ethiopia, whereby “all nationalities
participate equally in state affairs and where
every nationality is given equal opportunity to
preserve and develop its language, its music and
its history” (November17, 1969).
Increasing
discontent among university and high school
students ignited the masses, catching Haile
Selassie’s regime by surprise. As a result, the
Board of University Governors suspended the
student union, USUAA,
and banned the student newspaper, Struggle,
thereby suppressing autonomy and freedom of
expression on campus.
Instead of arresting the existing student
agitation, the Board of University Governors
tightened its discipline and fueled further
student activism. In collaboration with high
school students, the university students
vigorously agitated against the implementation of
new educational reform initiated by the regime
(the Education Sector Review).
In 1973, the student movement rekindled the
Ethiopian masses by highlighting the regime’s
neglect of the famine stricken in the regional
states of Wollo and Tigrai. With the rise of fuel
prices, taxi drivers in Addis Ababa had no choice
but to demonstrate against the regime in power.
Ethiopia’s economic slowdown created a perfect
opportunity for the lower ranks within the Haile
Selassie military to hijack the Ethiopian
student’s Marxist-Leninist discourse. The
military used its muscle to claim its historic
mission of ushering the country into socialism (Kebede,
2001).
In 1974, as students created significant political
awareness, Haile Selassie’s regime was replaced
by the Provisional Military Administrative
Council, better known as the
“Derg”—Ethiopia’s most oppressive military
dictatorship. Thus, as the student movement
contributed to the demise of Haile Selassie’s
regime in 1974, the lower ranks of the military
dictatorship moved Ethiopia from imperial polity
to military dictatorship (Balsvik (2009).
As the military Junta (the Derg) came to power, it
attempted to coopt the university student union
and strongly advocate for Marxist-Leninist
ideology. The Derg believed that student rhetoric
could serve a useful purpose in its attempts to
legitimize the seizer of power (Balsvik, 2009).
To demonstrate its allegiance to the cardinal
demands of university student movements, the Derg
allowed the university students to reestablish
their student union, USUAA. The Derg also gave
students the full right to resume publishing Struggle.
To the
surprise of the half-baked socialist military
junta, the first publication of Struggle
commemorated Wallelign Makonnen’s leading
argument that rested on “the question of
nationalities.”
In other words, Wallelign’s argument
assumed that for all Ethiopian nationalities to
ascertain self-determination, power must be
bestowed to the peoples of Ethiopia.
In 1975, to further win the legitimacy of the
university students, the military junta
promulgated, “Land to the Tiller.” In order to
disband student movements from the urban areas,
the Derg, thorough programs known as “development
through cooperation campaign” (“Zamacha”),
discharged about 50,000, junior and senior high
school students and 6,000 university students and
teachers to the countryside. More
specifically, the Derg assigned “Zamacha”
campaign workers to distribute the nationalized
farm lands, organize peasant associations,
organize women’s and youth associations, build
primary schools, clinics and latrines, dig water
wells, and initiate a mass literacy campaign,
using about fifteen local languages as medium for
instruction. Though statistics provided by the
Derg’s military government have been falsified
and regarded as inaccurate, the Derg’s military
government was awarded the annual UNESCO Literacy
Award in 1980 (Balsvik, 2009) for its effort on
spreading literacy throughout Ethiopia.
For two years, participants poured their hearts and
souls into the program. They scoured the
countryside to build a socialist state, to
actualize university student demands for the
distribution of land to the landless peasants, and
to provide peasants with social services.
In 1976, the Derg declared the National Democratic
Revolution (NDR) to endorse the university
students demand for “the right to
self-determination of all nationalities.” Though
it never came to fruition, the Derg set up the
Institute of Study of Nationalization (ISN) in
1983 and then it categorized the country into
twenty-four autonomous administrative regions (Ottaway,
1976, and Markakis, 1977, Araia, 2013).
Many progressive Ethiopians welcomed these radical
measures by the Derg and viewed them as genuine.
From a saddle of power, the Derg began revealing
its hidden authoritarian nature. For example,
after workers returned from their “Zamacha”
campaign to pursue their education in 1976, the
Derg tried to isolate them. Left alone to reflect
on the administrative style of the Derg, returnees
were not allowed to intermingle. Those suspected
of criticizing the Derg’s incompetence or
dysfunctional administration style were labeled as
either counter-revolutionaries or members of the
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP)
and were subjected to Derg’s Red Terror
campaign. As
Araia persuasively states (2017), “…contrary
to the wishes and ambitions of Ethiopians, when
the Derg military regime consolidated power, it
effectively terminated the political culture of
the golden age (of the 1960s and 70s) by
prioritizing the gun to suppress the people and
declaring the so-called Red Terror against the
EPRP, the youth, and other progressive
forces…”
As
Balsvik (2009) observes, the Derg’s Red Terror
campaign turned violently against educated young
Ethiopians for their resistance to military rule
and forced them either into exile or to join
various guerrilla movements. Even after the “Red
Terror Campaign” supposedly ended in 1978, the
lunatic Mengistu’s regime continued killing or
arresting educated young Ethiopians for their
opposition to military rule and their suspected
support of the Tigrai , Oromo, and Eritrea
liberation moments who fought for the right to
self- determination of all nationalities in
Ethiopia.
In 1984, by declaring Workers’ Party of Ethiopia
(WPE) the only legal party in Ethiopia, the Derg
officially made Ethiopia a socialist state.
However, as Glasnost, Perestroika, and a multitude
of problems engulfed the USSR, the soviets
discontinued their tutorship and hegemony over
Ethiopia. Soon, Ethiopia’s economy dwindled into
shambles, and Mengistu fled into exile in
Zimbabwe. Ethiopia’s brutal military
administration grew increasingly disorganized,
and, in 1991, the coalition of the
ethno-nationalist movements, better known as the
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic
Front (EPRDF), buried the Derg for good.
Once it came to power, the EPRDF completely negated
the Derg’s centralized or unitary system. It
resorted to the Leninist philosophy of democratic
centralism and partitioned the country into nine
asymmetrical, ethnic-based regional states and two
chartered cities (Balsvik, 2009, and Hailemariam,
2017). EPRDF’s policy makers proclaimed the
formation of federalism in Ethiopia is a step in
the right direction. Federalism allows inhabitants
of the federal states autonomy and a chance for
self-rule because each region can to develop,
promote, and preserve its language and native
culture (Desta, 2017). Keller (2003) also strongly
endorses the noble objectives of the formation of
Federal regional states in Ethiopia. After its
implementation, Turton (2005) acknowledged that
the restructuring of Ethiopia as an ethnic-based
federation contributed to its ultimate stability
and economic success.
However, Huntington rightly forecasted in 1993 that
the formation of ethnic regional states in
Ethiopia would exacerbate cleavages and
ethnic-tensions in Ethiopia (1993b). Given
its current political landscape, Ethiopia triggers
flashpoints that indicate signs of political
deteriorations as massive demonstrations flare up
into new waves of ethno-nationalistic political
turmoil. This new unrest has led observers and
members of the ruling Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to conclude
that the very survival of the Ethiopian state is
amid political turmoil (Gebreluel, G and Bedasso,
B, 2018), and has forced the current Ethiopian
Prime Minister, Haile Mariam Desalgne to submit
his letter of resignation to his Party (Schemm,
Feb. 16, 2018).
Outside politics in Ethiopia focus on ethnicity,
university campuses remain ethnically polarized.
For example, for the last 25 years, Ethiopian
universities have been recruiting diverse students
to flourish their notoriety for worthwhile
diversity. Nonetheless, without a substantial
improvement in campus climate, increasing
compositional diversity does not unto itself
enhance diversity competency.
In other words, instead of interacting with peers
and learning through diversity, various ethnic
backgrounds remain isolated and even ready to
fight if necessary. For example, in 2017, when an
Amhara student in Adigrat university, Tigrai
Region, was killed, ethnic demonstrations flared
in Gonder, Ambo, Debre Tabor, and Woldia (www.Borkena). Similarly, students in the East (Haromaya
University), south (Bule Hora university) and
southwest (Gambella and Metu universities) have
voluntarily left their campuses and disrupted
their educations. As a result of ethnic conflicts
over the years, parents have been insisting their
children be placed in local universities within
their own regional states in order to avoid
ethnic-based attacks ( Asmamaw, 2012).
As these ethnic conflicts become deeply rooted in
Ethiopia’s higher educational institutions,
instability throughout the country continues to
foment. This calls for fundamental changes in the
curricula of higher educational institutions,
designed to challenge student’s long-held
beliefs and ideas. Exposure to effective
cross-ethnic diversity programs could help diverse
Ethiopian college students look past their
differences and start learning from them instead
(Hass, 1999).
Conclusion and Policy Implications
Since
the establishment of the University College of
Addis Ababa in 1951, Ethiopia has experienced
waves of student activism. In the 1960s, the
Ethiopian university student protests became
radicalized and played a pivotal role in raising
the political consciousness of the Ethiopian
masses. Because of their genuine concern for the
emancipation of the Ethiopian masses, Araia (2017)
vividly describes these university political
movements as a golden age in Ethiopian history.
The 1960s and 1970s left-leaning of Ethiopian university
students were generally premised on the radical
Leninist concept of ‘National Question’ and
were ingrained in Stalin’s agenda calling for
the right to “self-determination” to the
peoples of a nation. Subscribing
to these galvanizing phrases, Ethiopian university
students fully believed that Ethiopia could
undergo fundamental change and emancipation if the
various nations, nationalities and peoples of
Ethiopia were granted the rights to
self-determination.
Accordingly,
through their ‘University National Services
Program,’ Ethiopian university students grafted
and effectively socialized Ethiopian High School
Students to buy into the Ethiopian university
student’s insurgency movements; they engineered
spectacular social and critical issues that
focused on a) the ownership of land, b) ending
poverty, and c) overcoming the oppression of the
peoples, nations, and nationalities in Ethiopia.
Globally, the Ethiopian student activism was
linked to international socio-political and global
issues related to the independence of the
then-colonized African countries, America’s war
in Vietnam, and the alienation and exploitation of
international working class (See, Araia, 2017).
Thus, when the proponents of ethnic federalism
during the 1970s finally achieved power in
Ethiopia in 1991, they stood against the
oppressive Haile Selassie and the Derg regimes and
any possibility of their cultural reproduction.
When the EPRDF toppled the Derg from power, it
felt obligated to implement ethnic federalism as a
viable option for reconstituting the Ethiopian
state (Kebede, 2001). As a result, the EPRDF
reorganized the Ethiopian state in terms of
ethnicity representation and territorial
administration, and it gave every ethnic group an
unconditional right to self-determination up to
secession (Vaughan, 2003).
Concentrating on ethnicity, primary schools
throughout Ethiopia were encouraged to use local
languages to socialize their students. According
to the Higher Education Proclamation (HEP),
universities in Ethiopia proclaimed
multiculturalism as the guiding principle to
prepare citizens for life and leadership in a
diverse society (FDRE, 2009), and universities in
Ethiopia attempted to redesign their campus
climates to accommodate diversity and to
facilitate purposeful inter-ethnicity
interactivity programs (Adamu, 2014).
Implementing diversity is a dynamic process of
recruiting and admitting different ethnic groups
of students to pedagogically-reformed higher
educational institutions featuring transformed
curricula, co-curriculum, and diverse faculty and
staff. These universities are designed to leverage
learners to develop diversity competencies which
integrate cognitive complexity, to prepare them to
work in diverse environments, and to participate
effectively in democratic societies (Lee A. et al,
August 12, 2011, Milem, J. Chang M. and Antonio,
A, 2005).
In short, as explained by Milem, Chang, and Antonio
(2005), the institutional context of campus
framework for ethnically diverse universities
includes, a) compositional diversity (diverse
student, faculty, and staff requirement), b) an
organizational/structural dimension
(diversity of curriculum, and
decision-making policies), c) a psychological
dimension (student perceptions and ethnic
tension), and d) a behavioral dimension (social
interaction across ethnicities, classroom
diversity, and pedagogical approaches).
Drawing
on the previously attempted socialization process
of Ethiopian university students, though piecemeal
and token, the current state in Ethiopian
universities has initiated and prefaced the broad
diversity of students currently attending the
different universities. Sadly, the account
provided above indicates that students from the
same ethnic background tend to aggregate on
university campuses for safety and often instigate
deadly ethnic skirmishes.
These observations strongly suggest that the
curricular components and the pedagogical
strategies at the Ethiopian higher educational
institutions need to change. All incoming freshmen
should be required to take a multi-dimensional
Freshman Diversity Experience course (or courses)
designed to provide diversity-related competencies
and skills so learners can fully engage with all
classmates, faculty, and staff as members of their
universities. In other words, the content of
multi-dimensional Freshman Diversity Curriculum
must offer university students content knowledge
related to living in a diverse cultural context,
valuing communalities, and accepting, tolerating,
and respecting differences (Adamu, 2014).
With
the understanding that the diversity capital
brought by the students could be a source of
insight as opposed to conflict, all first-year
students need to be offered a Multi-Dimensional
Freshman Diversity Curriculum. If well designed
and taught by trained faculty, the suggested
dynamic course could not only help students
acquire cognitive, affective, and practical
skills, but use them to interact positively with
people from diverse cultural, ethnic and religious
backgrounds (Bank, 2007).
If
tertiary educational institutions accommodate
diversity in their freshman studies, learners
could undoubtedly challenge old biases and their
intellectual capacity would blossom. Having access
to a multi-dimensional diversity competency
course, learners can develop problem-solving
skills, critical thinking capacity, and have the
tolerance necessary live and work in a diverse
society.
From a pedagogical perspective, students from
diverse backgrounds could develop these tools if
they are a) assigned multi-cultural literature
related to the history and culture of other ethnic
groups, b) given weekly reflective assignments, c)
required to live in dormitories with other diverse
ethnic students, d) required to learn
cooperatively from diverse peers through classroom
discussion and group interaction, e) required to
collaborate on off-campus projects, f) encouraged
to compete and debate with the diverse students,
and g) encouraged to get involved with other
informal diversity activities, such as cultural
events and social activities.
As Slavin suggests (1995), when students of
different backgrounds can experience positive
interactions with others of different backgrounds,
their prejudices against one other will most
likely decrease (see also Adamu, 2014). In
addition, the diverse capital that the students
bring to universities could change; learners can
start to become globally minded citizens when they
begin recording their classroom experiences and
outside engagement in their ‘reflective
journals.’
Admittedly, the “idea of teaching about diversity
is intimidating, in part because the concept of
diversity is so vast and because none of us has
had personal experience with the full range of
diversity” (American Psychological Association,
2013). Nonetheless, the diverse students accepted
by Ethiopian universities need to be required to
take an interdisciplinary course entitled ‘Freshman
Diversity Experience,’
whereby
institutional support for a positive climate
for diversity are available. If the course is
intensively designed by a diverse professional
faculty with a sincere commitment to diversity,
and if the class is offered institutional support
and a safe environment for interaction to enhance
a positive climate for diversity, it will not only
fulfill the educational mission and goals of the
university, but it will also enable students to
formulate diverse thoughts and opinions,
distinctively different from those with which they
are familiar. Thereby,
this strategy will increase of the probability of
Ethiopian students accepting other Ethiopians as
their fellow citizens and compatriots. This
endeavor will recall the Ethiopian university
students of the 1960s and 1970s; these diverse
learners will feel comfortable interacting outside
their comfort zones and they can fight together
for democracy in Ethiopia.
Despite the detailed work I have in progress, it is
suffices to state at this juncture that the 21st
century requires student engagement to achieve the
diversity skills necessary to work effectively
with individuals, groups, and teams from diverse
identities and perspectives. Therefore, the
current political instability in Ethiopia would
not improve if the federal structure created in
1995 is reorganized to meet autonomy and the
demands of progressive Ethiopians without at least
considering the Ethiopia’s dramatic increase in
population over the last twenty years. As Lockhart
observes (2014), creating autonomy has proven to
be an effective political tool in settling ethnic
conflicts in non-violent ways.
Given this, Ethiopians can learn that their
existing federal structure—nine ethnic and the
two chartered city states—must be reorganized
and expanded to include not only the existing nine
ethnic regional states and two chartered city
states, but also need to add nine autonomous city
states whose population exceeds more than 100,000
people. Ethiopian cities that have more than
100,000 people (Population of cities in Ethiopia,
2018) include: Mekelle (215, 546), Adama
(213,995), Bahir Dar (168,899), Gondar (153,914),
Dese (136,056), Hawassa (133,097), Jima
(128,306), Nekemte (110688), and Bishoftu
(104,215).
In summary, rather than changing personalities and
using military force to calm down the massive
unrest in Ethiopia, Ethiopians can resolve ethnic
conflict by bestowing genuine autonomy to the
proposed nine regional states and the eleven
chartered city states, and by involving civic
organizations, multi-parties and other opposition
parties in a discourse to pursue Ethiopia’s
democratic plan for the future (See, Desta, 2017).
In the long run, however, the most effective
method of keeping political conflicts in check and
restore fragmenting multi-ethnic regional and
city-states is by offering comprehensive diverse
competency education in primary, secondary, and
tertiary school levels.
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