The
United States African Command: Meanings for
Africa!
IDEA
editorial
1/13/2010
What is
Africom and what is its mission? Africom stands
for United States African Command. Besides the
militarization of the Continent, Africom’s
mission is not clear at this juncture, nor can we
state its agenda with precision other than relying
on the various press releases made by its
spokesmen. Africom was established on October 2007
and since it has not sat foot on African soil yet
(this may change soon), its headquarters is in
Stuttgart, Germany and according to General
William E. Ward, commander of Africom; the latter
is “one of the Defense Department’s six
regional headquarters. Africom is the result of an
internal reorganization of the U. S. military
command structure, creating one administrative
headquarter that is responsible to the Secretary
of Defense for US military relations with 53
African countries.”
On top of the above apparent
mission of Africom, however, its spokesmen claim,
“political and economic growth can take place to
work with African nations and African
organizations to build regional security and
crisis response capacity in support of U. S.
government efforts in Africa.” Moreover, a
branch of Africom, African Standby Force, will be
in charge of political stability, economic growth,
and secured environment.”
So far the spokesmen of
Africcom have been reassuring African nations that
the U. S. African command ‘will in no way
infringe on the sovereignty of any African
nation.’ On the contrary, Africom’s mission is
‘to build capacity and capabilities among
African partners so that they are able to tackle
Africa’s security challenges.’ In fact, they
say, ‘the U. S. Africa command’s role is to be
a supporting one.’
If African countries endorse
Africom’s mission and objectives, the respective
leaders individually or collectively through the
African Union (AU) must have wittingly accepted
technical dependence on the United States. It is
safely assumed that the U. S. is not going to act
like an imperialist occupying force in the old
colonial strategic sense, but it will definitely
have a major clout on African countries domestic
and foreign policies. African states that welcome
the physical presence of Africom on Africa must
have anticipated that a part of their sovereignty
will be compromised.
With the exception of small
U. S. military presence in Camp Lemonier in
Djibouti, Africom has not established military
stations (chapter commands) in different parts of
the continent, but the year 2010 seem to usher and
expedite the coming of Africom on African soil.
According to Lieutenant James Stockman, Africom
Public Affairs chief, Africa Endeavor 2010 initial
planning conference took place in Kampala, Uganda
on January 12, 2010. In this conference 130
communication and information security personnel
of 29 countries have participated, and just one
day before this conference, i.e. on January 11,
2010, the USS Samuel B. Roberts (FFG 58) pulled
into Port Gentil, Gabon. However, African Endeavor
(AE) exercises took place in Pretoria, South
Africa in 2006, long before Africom was officially
declared. Other AE exercises also took place in
Abuja, Nigeria in 2008 and Liberville, Gabon in
2009, and it is scheduled to take place in Accra,
Ghana in August 2 – 12, 2010.
So far it is only Morocco and
Liberia that seem to have officially endorsed
Africom. Morocco is not a member of AU (it pulled
out from the OAU after the latter recognized
Western Sahara as sovereign country) and its
position on Africom would not have an impact on AU
collective decision. Liberia, though a member of
AU, is not an influential country like, for
instance, Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, or South
Africa. Interestingly, however, the Armed Forces
of Liberia (AFL) has been restructured in such a
way to emulate the U. S. army model for
‘professional relationship between officers and
non commissioned officers (NCOs).’
When the AE took place in
Kampala, its guest of honor, Lt. General Ivan
Koreta of Uganda Peoples Defense Force made a
welcoming speech to the conferees and in effect
endorsed Africom. He probably did not consider the
fact that Africom’s physical presence in the
Continent could stir controversy among various
political and civic organizations in Africa and
even create cleavage among AU member states.
Africom could very well be a
military-cum-development command, but the very
dependence of African nations on the United States
for capacity and capabilities could undermine
their independence and sovereignty. After all, as
Louis Henkin et al aptly put it, “A State would
not be independent in the legal sense if it was
placed in a condition of dependence on another
Power, if it ceased itself to exercise within its
own territory the summa potestas or
sovereignty, i.e. if it lost the right to exercise
its own judgment in coming to the decisions which
the government of its territory entails.”
Military and information
technology is indeed indispensable, but given the
stark reality of Africa and the struggle of
individual nations to catch up in the 21st
century, military prowess and aggrandizement of
defense forces should not be the priority of the
Continent. Africa’s priority should be economic
development. Africa, of course, should rely on
itself for economic overhaul and other development
agendas such as education, health, and
infrastructure. What Africa needs are economists,
engineers, agronomists, doctors, educators, and
scientists, and not military consultants. The AU,
in fact, has the potential in producing a
pan-African defense command, but this should not
be its priority either.
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