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Modernism, Post-Modernism and Afrocentrism: Meanings for Ethiopia

                                       Ghelawdewos Araia

The recent articles entitled Gebrehiwot Biakedagn and Eurocentrism by Dr. Messay Kebede and From Eurocentrism to Ethiocentrism by Dr. Maimire Mennasemay are very interesting, provocative and educational to say the least. It is these kind of thoughtful articles that I had in mind when I wrote Designing Continuum to Enrich Ethiopian Educational Discourse and Debate Culture in September 2004 (www.africanidea.org/designing.html). It is in the latter spirit, and to encourage other Ethiopian intellectuals to join the club and “cash in” in the discussion/debate forum, that I am writing this article.

In this essay, I will maintain constructive criticism by highlighting the lines of reasoning of the above mentioned articles, and in due course I shall make my own input and critique in an effort to draw the attention of other Ethiopians who would be interested in such educational forums.

With respect to modernization or modernism and in light of the latter, Messay criticizing Gebrehiwot writes, “human societies can be defined as backward or advanced in relation to the various stages to which they belong. Clearly, both in his conception of the goal of human life and the mode of achieving it, Gebrehiwot fully endorses the basic tenants of the Eurocentric view of history.” 

In Messay’s contention that I just quoted above, there are two important component parts that we need to consider for our discussion. The first is the concept of ‘modern’ as opposed to ‘backward’ and the second is Gebrehiwot’s Eurocentric perspective. Regarding our definition of modern, as I shall elaborate later, Messay’s observation is on the right track. However,  ‘modern’ or ‘modernization’ is relative and must be examined in a historical context. If we understand modernization in the sense of scientific and industrial advancement, then the capitalist mode of production is more modern and advanced than a feudal mode of production, and the latter, in turn, is more advanced compared to other preceding epochs such as slavery, nomadic/pastoral, and primitive communal social settings. Furthermore, if we mean modern in the context of arts and literature, the period dating from roughly the 1860s through the 1920s is the modern era. But going back to our relative definition of ‘modern,’ here is another example that can reinforce our explanatory notes. Although until recently the word ‘modern’ was attributed to the contemporaneous, as per our definition above, all art, literature, scientific progress etc. are modern at the time they are made. For instance, Cennino Cennini, in his Il Libro dell ‘Arte (The Book of Art, 1437), explains that Giotto made painting “modern.” By the same token, Giorgio Vassari, writing in the 16th century Italy, refers to the art of his own period as “modern.”

Etymologically, however, modernism may refer to an infatuation of modern ideas as was very much sentimentalized by Gebrehiwot, Tewodros, Yohannes, and Menelik. But the early harbingers of “modern ideas” cannot be blamed for Eurocentrism, for they had no other alternative or telescope to view the world outside European modernization and vis-à-vis development and social reform. Even the Ethiopian students of the 1960s and 1970s, who “were furiously more westernized,” despite their fervid anti-western ideas, were unable to escape Eurocentric values, and in this sense we may want to fairly judge Gebrehiwot Baikedagn.

One other important point that Messay has brought to our attention is “the damages caused by the infiltration of Eurocentric concepts into the manner Ethiopians perceive themselves” and how Gebrehiwot underlined the superiority of northern [Abyssinian] Ethiopians vis-à-vis Oromos. I can’t agree more with Messay’s critique of Gebrehiwot’s denigration of the “Galla”. However, we should bear in mind that Gebrehiwot, though very bright and advanced for his time, was also a by-product of the Ethiopian ruling ideology that systematically concatenated supremacy with Abyssinians. We all understand, I gather, that ‘ruling ideas are the ideas of the ruling class,’ and once the latter is internalized, even the victim, very much like the proverbial slave who would be traumatized at the behest of his sick master, will paradoxically appreciate the goodness of the oppressor or perpetrator. In this context, Galla Alga Silut Afer, a repugnant and pejorative maxim, is still entertained by some Ethiopians, and it is for this apparent reason, three years ago, that I appealed to my fellow Ethiopians to drop altogether ‘Galla’ from their lexicon.

Finally, I would be remiss if I fail to extend credit to Messay for his cogent and lucid concluding remark: “Like many of us, intellectuals of the ‘60s and ‘70s, he [Gebrehiwot] saw Ethiopia more through the eyes of the Western anthropologist than through those of a native scholar.”

The question now is how does the native Ethiopian scholar begin to interpret history through his/her own prism? This brings us to Maimire’s “Ethiocentrism” and although I espoused Afrocentric thought for the last two decades, I would not mind welcoming and embracing Ethiocentrism as well. Before I carry on with Maimire’s thesis, however, I like to make crystal clear to the reader that the Afrocnetric methodology that I have used for scholarly purposes and explication of intricate historical phenomena and the subtle nuances in the social sciences, is fundamentally different from the Temple University or Molefi Asante Group. The latter coined the term ‘Afrocentric’ but did not invent ‘Africanity’ and/or the interpretation of history from the African point of view. Long before Asante, there were statesmen and intellectuals like Marcus Garvey, CLR James, Walter Rodney, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Sheikh Anta Diop, Aime Cesaire and many others, who fostered ‘Africanity.’ However, while that of Garvey, James, Rodney, and Diop were essentially interdisciplinary in their approach, those of Senghor and the Temple Group were culture-specific and biased in favor of the preponderance of the African perspective.

There is no doubt that the Temple Group have immensely contributed to the rediscovery of African heritage, but their approach could not effectively and meaningfully explain the African and Diaspora experience without including politics, history, and political economy as part of its methodology.

Maimire’s contention that our emancipation can be realized “through our reflective engagement with our success, failures, and aspirations embedded in our history” is absolutely crucial and acceptable to me. There is no doubt that the more we explore the vast repertoire of our history, the more emancipated we would be, and as a result we would no longer “mimic the western experience of development in order to solve our problems” as aptly put by Maimire. Nevertheless, Miamire’s argument, “the west itself has not developed by mimicking others; rather it did through an internal understanding of its conditions and of the adversities it has to overcome” is fallacious. Firstly, no society, however dynamic, could develop on its own and in isolation without any external influence; secondly, such kind of reasoning could inadvertently but dangerously ensnare the relatively sophisticated and emancipating “ethiocentric” paradigm in a Eurocentric trap; thirdly, there is ample historical and verifiable evidence with respect to the civilizing of Europe by Africa. The latter assertion could sound bizarre or may be labeled ‘Afrocentrism gone awry,’ but wait till I substantiate my argument below.

There were two major historical events that took place where Africans civilized Europeans. The first was during classical antiquity when ancient Greece literally borrowed Egyptian/African civilization; the second period refers to the Golden Ages of the Moors (711-1492) where ‘Spain shone like a moon borrowed from an African Sun.’

In 1996, a televised debate entitled Africa and Greece conducted by the New York Public Access TV featured two panelists, an African scholar (myself) and a European scholar. Here are some of the points I forwarded to authenticate not only the historical connection between Africa and Greece but also the civilizing of the latter by the former as summarized below.

Thanks to historiography, science actually began with the ancient Egyptians and my arguments can be supported with hard facts. The pyramids were constructed on the basis of science and mathematics. The Egyptians invented pi (22/7 or 3.1416) as a consonant and determined the slopes of the pyramids by Pesu as well as Pythagorean theorem (a2+b2=c2) and now we know that Pythagoras was educated in Egypt. Other famous Greek scientists who were educated in Egypt include Thales, Eudoxos, Solon, Democritos, Plato, Erathosthenes, Euclid, Appolonius, Archimedes, Hipparcus, and Sosigenes etc. Plato was tutored and supervised by an Egyptian philosopher named Sechnuphis of Heliopolis (Anu) and it is no wonder that most of his ideas and the central theme of his book The Republic was drawn from Egyptian (Pythagorean) doctrine; Aristotle was a student of Plato but he was also tutored by Eudoxos in the Academia; Sosigenes is responsible for the revision of Egyptian calendar that later became Gregorian calendar; Erathosthenes is criticized by Isaac Newton for not preserving the exact mathematical formula of the Egyptians, and since Newton was a man of integrity he admits in his Principa Mathematica that he heavily depended on the Egyptian science and mathematics in formulating his gravitational theory.

Egyptian architecture was extremely advanced and so was their medicine, not to mention their written culture, astronomy, geometry, calendar, irrigation, papyrus, ink etc. One recent revelation indicates that the ancient Egyptians were the first to come up with the science of aeronautics. In fact, they were responsible for the invention of the first model glider found in Sakkara in 1898.

Unlike present-day Eurocentrists, the ancient Greeks and the Europeans of the Renaissance were honest to admit that their knowledge of science and philosophy was transmitted from the Egyptians. For instance, the learned Greek philosophers including Isokrates, Athenian orator in the 4th century BC, considered Egypt as the “birth place of philosophy,” and Aristotle, in line with his fellow philosophers, said “in Egypt mathematical sciences first commenced, for there the nation of priests had leisure.” Europeans of the Renaissance had a similar belief and they have extended their gratitude to the African protagonists. This fact is testified by the translation of Hieroglyphica (an ancient Egyptian document) in 1419 in Italy in an effort to trace back, not just to classical Greece but also to Egypt of antiquity. Thus, even the giants of the Renaissance have depended heavily on Egyptian science and mathematics and other body of knowledge.

The second period of the civilizing of Europe, as mentioned above, took place on either side of the Mediterranean. Following the death of the Prophet Mohammed in 632 AD, the Moors (an Afro-Arab people) carried on a brisk of scientific and intellectual knowledge of Egyptian legacy that, in turn, became the foundation for the civilizing of Spain. The Moors first introduced the silk industry into Spain. Rice, sugarcane, strawberry, lemons, cotton, and dates were also introduced by them. But the most significant contribution of the Moors was in the fields of science and education. Ibin al Awam was a leading scientist who published Treatise on Agriculture, which became the official manual for Spanish farmers. Ibin Kaldun, another great Moorish scientist, was the first to come up with the theory of prices and nature of capital (not Adam Smith, David Ricardo, or Karl Marx). He is also the earliest rationalist thinker in the African context. Mohammed Ben Musa, inspired by the decimal points of the Hindus, introduced the Zero numerical, and he was the first to formulate the systematic treatise on Algebra, and ultimately he devised a formula for the solution of quadratic equations. Most importantly, Ben Musa authored a book entitled Treatise on Spherical Trigonometry. Al Quarizmi was a contemporary of Ben Musa, after whose name we have Logarithm.

Long before Magellan circumnavigated the earth (1517-1522), sometime in the middle of the 12th century, a brilliant Moorish scientist by the name El Idrisi theorized that our planet is “round as a sphere of which the waters are adherent and maintained upon its surface by natural equilibrium.”

Of all the above-mentioned Moors who contributed to the civilizing of Spain, the one that stands out, encyclopedic, and jack-of-all-trades was Ibin Sina (wrongly known in European history as Avicenna) who was a geologist, physician, and philosopher. He wrote The Utility and Advantage of Science, Health and Remedies, Cannons of Physic, Mathematical Theorems, An Abridgement of Euclid, Physics and Metaphysics.

Southern Italy and Sicily also enjoyed Moorish enlightenment and development. The Moors founded a medical school and a university in Salerno in 1150; by 1234 the university was chartered by Frederick II and ideas of science and modern agriculture spread all over Europe. Beginning 1450, Europe had shown early capitalist development thanks to the Moorish civilization that indeed laid the foundation and cornerstone for the rise of a new Europe and subsequent western hegemony. This, in brief, is how Europe got its civilization.

After the rise of capitalism in Europe, world history was transformed completely in favor of Europeans and against Africans. A long history of subjugation, brutality and oppression of the African people, followed by centuries of enslavement and colonization ensued. With the exception of few of us in the Continent who did not experience the horrors of slavery and colonization, the majority of Africans were drastically affected by European onslaught and subsequent abduction from their homes. And during the heyday of the Holocaust of Enslavement, the African slaves who would later constitute the Diaspora, would be systematically disconnected from their roots. Alex Haley’s Roots is a good portrayal of this experience, and William Lynch’s manual Lets Make A Slave  (1712) would become the guideline for white slave masters to employ techniques to systematically subdue their recalcitrant slaves. It is no wonder, therefore, that present-day Ethiopians are “trapped in a vortex of loss of meaning and alienation,” as Maimire correctly puts it, and the fact that we have become “consumers of western knowledge” should be examined in light of the Above African experience. The degree of subjugation and hence loss of identity was not as great among Ethiopians as was in other African and Diaspora brothers and sisters, but due to overall European domination, Ethiopians also encountered the brunt of the Black experience.

In order to counter Eurocentrism and foster Afrocentrism, therefore, we need to seriously consider the decolonizing of the African mind a la Nguigi Wa Thiongo and pedagogy of liberation al la Paulo Freire. This paradigm shift would enable us to rediscover our history, which in itself is a process of emancipation, and we can attain this agenda not through mere reflection of disjoined, haphazard, and superficial analysis of our past experience, but through deeply rooted extrapolation of our collective consciousness, and simultaneously providing concrete solutions to the problem under discussion.

We can begin rediscovering ourselves by literally digging into our past and reading the vernacular texts that contain the vast array of our rich history, tradition, and mythology. In due course, we will not only enjoy a niche in our endeavor but we will also truly liberate ourselves. At this juncture, contrary to some pontificating and condescending attitudes, we must admit that we are not liberators in spite of our intellectual prowess, but we can definitely make a difference in the whole gamut of the emancipating enterprise. The precondition for our success in this kind of project would be to form grassroots organizations and speak and write in the local language so that we can directly employ the affective domain in the educational process. For instance, I have tried to communicate in my essays not only in English but also in Amharic and Tigrigna (e.g. Ya Ethiopia Hizb Chewanet, Ya Ethiopiawyan Mehala, Ayzokum Tembien, La Ethiopia Lu’ulawinet’na Andinet La Mitagelu Hayloch Medegf Tarikawi Halafinetachin Naw). On top of this, I have produced some articles entitled The Magnificence of African Written Culture & Why We Must Adopt Geez Fidel for Ethiopian Languages (www.africanidea.org/magnificence.html) and Designing Continuum… that is mentioned above.       

The local vernacular is the best medium in communicating with the local people, but even other languages including English and French could serve the intended goal if they have Afrocentric tone. A good example of Africanity written in non-African language are   Chinua Achebe’s literary works; they are written in English but they strongly authenticate African history, politics and culture. Other Africans of the Diaspora have also made great stride in rediscovering the African heritage. A good example of this endeavor would be Dr. Maulana Karanga’s Nguzo Saba (The Seven Principles, in Swahili), a reaffirmation and restoration of African identity and heritage.

One other important point in Maimire’s essay, that can strengthen the question of modernity vis-à-vis belief systems, is his analysis of Confucianism and the rapid development of East Asian countries. To be sure most of the Asian countries including Japan, the Tigers, China have managed to retain their culture despite infiltration of Western ideas and technology in their respective societies.

Ethiopian intellectuals, as a whole, were unable to clearly dissect the intricate relationship of religion and the larger society and as a result the psyche, mores, and belief systems of the people were not given due attention. Relevant to this reality was Abiye Tekelemariam’s essay entitled The Orthodox Church and Famine (www.ethiopiafirst.com/news2002/Dec/The_Orthodox_Church_and_Famine.html) In that article, Abiye correctly argued that our analysis “subscribe to a version of economic determinism,” but most importantly he claimed that his essay “echoes Max Weber’s celebrated argument that the emergence of capitalist economies owed much to Protestantism which taught its followers to put a high value on worldly success.” In this regard, Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a seminal work and major contribution in the sociology of religions.

It is important to acknowledge the Weberian mantra of religion/development nexus in rationalist analysis, but it is more important for our present discussion to rediscover our own rationalist thinkers such as Zara Yacob. Contrary to the basic tenets and doctrine of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Zara Yacob, sometime in the late 16th century and early 17th century, advanced the idea of “God as reason” and hence “faith is rational and not an irrational and dogmatic assertion.” Celibacy and monastic life were unreasonable and lent is not meant to be God’s wish. The most fascinating aspect of Zara Yacob’s philosophy that comes very close to our 20th/21st centuries ‘citizen rights advocacy’ is his challenge to the status quo in this respect. He argued, “citizens who are morally/rationally formed need not be silenced and intimidated by an authoritarian or manipulative sovereign…and men should be accountable for their actions.”

Credit is due accorded to Professor Claude Sumner for authoring The Treatise of Zara Yacob, the Source of African Philosophy: The Ethiopian Philosophy of Man. But because most Ethiopian philosophers were educated in European curriculum, they knew more about Rene Descartes than they did about Zara Yacob. Upon transcending Eurocentrism and rediscovering Zara Yacob, the Ethiopian philosopher would have the opportunity to witness notions such as meditation, discourse of method, rules of direction of the mind, and hyperbolic doubt promoted by Descartes (“father of modern philosophy”), also incorporated in the corpus of Zara Yacob’s philosophy. 

Modernity, as has been defined above and as correctly explicated by Maimire, could have different phases and faces. For the sake of clarity and firm grasp of the concept, however, I like to elaborate further.

The word ‘modernism’ as commonly applied in literature, architecture, and the performing arts, refers to the radical shift in aesthetic and cultural sensibilities evident in the post-World War One period. The First World War (WWI) presented a profoundly pessimistic picture of a culture in disarray, which, in turn, was perceived as a product of modernization. This pessimism, though a backlash to modernism, was quickly picked up by the rising fascists in Germany and Italy, and paradoxically many of the chief modernists like T. S. Eliot, Ezra Pound, W. B. Yates, and Knut Hansen, far from playing an emancipating role, were either flirting with fascism or openly advocating for it.

Therefore, just because someone has espoused modernist thinking does not mean he or she will play a constructive and positive role in social transformation that could bring about social welfare and justice for citizens. Similarly, modernization may entail scientific advancement, technical know-how, remarkable success in medicine, and revolution in agriculture, but it could also mean pollution, toxic waste, environmental degradation, weapons of mass destruction etc.

The curse and blessing of modernization may ultimately compel us to figure out other options, alternatives, and paradigms. Perhaps we can embrace post-modernism as a viable outlet from the ills of modernism, but this concept too is problematic. For one thing, since modernism is Western in its orientation, post-modernism, however elegant and antithetical to modernism, may not provide the necessary tools for our Afrocentric values. In any event, we may have some loopholes in the post-modernist thinking especially if we carefully diagnose its component parts: Deconstructive and Constructive post-modernism.

Deconstructive post-modernism “deconstructs” the ideas and values of modernism and claims that such modernist ideas as “equality” and “liberty” are neither natural nor true to humankind but are ideals and intellectual constructs. Based on the pessimism associated with World War II, post-modernism rejects the doctrine of the supremacy of man and any attempt to create a better and/or a perfect society is considered futile.

Constructive post-modernism, on the other hand, serves as an alternative understanding of phenomena and offers a new unity of scientific, ethical, aesthetic, and religious institutions. It seems to me we need to amalgamate constructive post-modernism with Afrocentrism and utilize our new paradigm to promote the transformation of the Ethiopian society for the better. Just as we like to adopt appropriate western technology for development, we may want to infuse the positive elements of constructive post-modernism to further reinforce and polish our Afrocentric values. But the problem is not going to end soon. In fact, we are confronted by a resurgence of fundamentalism!

Contrary to the Weberian postulates that we have touched upon earlier, the new wave of fundamentalism has virtually resurrected Martin Luther’s ideas of reason vs. faith. The present-day fundamentalists agree with Luther in their conception of “reason is the greatest enemy that faith has; it struggles against the divine world, treating with contempt all that emanates from God.” Are we on the verge of witnessing the end of rationality? Will the 21st century push reason to a cul-de-sac and manipulate science and government for imperial hegemony? Or, is this new fundamentalism a political game and evanescent?

Before the recent resurgence of fundamentalism, Eurocentric professors Bernard Lewis (of Arab origin) of Princeton and Samuel Huntington of Harvard wrote on Muslim fundamentalism. Lewis wrote an essay entitled Roots of Muslim Rage in 1990 in which he used the term “clash of civilizations.” Soon after Huntington picked up the term, and he even wrote a book called The Clash of Civilizations. The main thesis of Huntington’s book boils down to Islamic and Chinese Civilizations clashing with the Judeo-Christian civilization. He did not include African civilization because Huntington could not be sure of such thing as African civilization. Later on, Tarik Ali, the Pakistani editor of the New Left Review writes The Clash of Fundamentalism: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity in contradistinction to Lewis and Huntington. For Ali, the clash of civilization is fundamentally political and economic although he acknowledges the clash between ‘retrogressive and retrograde” fundamentalists and American imperial fundamentalism.

I am seriously opposed to all forms of fundamentalism and especially to ultra-religious fundamentalism, for the latter have nothing to offer to civilization. What we need, of course, is some kind of civilization that undergirds the Ethiopian ethos and overarching culture. While we employ the Afrocentric and constructive post-modernist paradigm, we may want to pigeonhole into the corpus of our methodology holistic and humanistic values. This harmonious blending should serve as lynchpin to a systematically designed curriculum matrix in our schools that seriously underscore multicultural education as opposed to monocultural focus. The multicultural education will enable our students to regain their collective, communal, reciprocal consciousness and shared values of emotional vitality and interdependence. In brief, they will rediscover the philosophy of African togetherness reflected in “I am because we are, and since we are therefore I am.” At this stage, our students may not claim to be full-fledged Afrocentrists, but they could definitely become consummate professionals toward fulfilling the goal of a more humane and collective tradition.

Ethiopian intellectuals, learned men and women, have a special historical duty (in fact, a calling) to aggressively address the issues surrounding the curriculum matrix suggested above. It is going to be an arduous and protracted mission, but I have no doubt that it will guarantee the bright future of Ethiopia in terms of renewal and renaissance of the Ethiopian experience. If we lead the way, our students and the larger society will follow. In our endeavor, we must make sure that the psychological integrity of our students is maintained. By this, of course, I mean that we help them develop self-esteem, African/Ethiopian pride and begin to interpret history from their own standpoint—African-centered perspective. We must enable them to appreciate the centrality of spirit or spiritualism (this does not necessarily mean religiosity) as opposed to ontological corporeality, a Eurocentric material obsession or belief in material reality. The latter concept entails, and this is evident in western psychology and sociology, the reduction of complex human behavior and social order to statistical quantification. Moreover, in the European context (Eurocentrism), the yardstick for modern and postmodern scholarly discourse has been ‘verificationist empiricism’ which considers the materialist interpretation of history as the only authentic methodology. This, however, is useless if employed to analyze African societies that prioritize spiritual as opposed to material, collective as opposed to individual, cooperation as opposed to competition. In a nutshell, as cited in The Hero with an African Face by Clyde W. Ford, to control the mundane, Europeans sacrificed the sacred and to hold on to the sacred Africans sacrificed the mundane. There is indeed ‘clash of civilizations’ in this context. 

In this essay an attempt was made to analyze contemporary issues in light of modernism, postmodernism, Afrocentrism and the pertinent controversial concepts that enabled us to galvanize the intricate theories and assumptions that we have discussed above. It is not by any means the end of our discussion and I would not claim that we will achieve paradigmatic coherence, theoretical consistency, and methodological conciseness at this juncture, but I believe we have laid the cornerstone to overhaul and enrich the Ethiopian discussion and debate forums. So that the tradition continues, if I may, I like to provoke my fellow Ethiopians to respond to and write on the following question: in light of globalization, how can we reconcile the worldview with Afrocentrism without undermining the Ethiopian values anchored in culturally derived epistemologies?